{"id":1383,"date":"2026-08-11T16:54:31","date_gmt":"2026-08-11T16:54:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/bahamakkawi.com\/?p=1383"},"modified":"2026-08-14T12:13:17","modified_gmt":"2026-08-14T12:13:17","slug":"toward-a-strategic-perspective-for-achieving-and-consolidating-national-unity-in-sudan-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bahamakkawi.com\/en\/toward-a-strategic-perspective-for-achieving-and-consolidating-national-unity-in-sudan-2\/","title":{"rendered":"Toward a Strategic Perspective for Achieving and Consolidating National Unity in Sudan (2)"},"content":{"rendered":"In our previous article, we noted that achieving national unity is one of the greatest challenges facing states in general. Unless the political body, so to speak, achieves an appropriate degree of unity around the state\u2019s broad visions and objectives, the state will remain incapable of fulfilling its goals and functions and will continue to suffer from instability and uncertainty.\n\nWe also concluded that national unity in Sudan faces a number of challenges, including the relative modernity of the Sudanese state itself, the dominance of sub-national loyalties at the expense of loyalty to the nation, the absence of balanced development, the lack of a clear vision for managing ethnic diversity, the tendency of different Sudanese regions to follow the example of the South in seeking separation, and foreign interference in Sudanese affairs.\n\nIn this part of the article, we will attempt to outline the broad features of a strategic perspective for consolidating national unity in Sudan. We believe that such a perspective should be based on the following:\n\n1. Explicit and Clear Recognition of Sudan\u2019s Ethnic and Cultural Diversity\n\nSudan is often described as a \u201cminiature Africa\u201d because of its extensive ethnic and cultural diversity. Even after the secession of South Sudan, present-day Sudan still contains hundreds of sub-groups, dozens of languages and dialects, as well as religious diversity.\n\nAs scholars and thinkers have pointed out, diversity in itself is not necessarily a source of weakness. On the contrary, it can become a source of enrichment, resilience, and strength. Therefore, the first pillar of this strategic perspective should be full recognition of Sudan\u2019s ethnic and cultural diversity and a serious effort to transform that diversity into a source of strength and cultural enrichment rather than fragmentation, division, and weakness.\n\nTurning diversity into a source of strength, however, requires a range of policies and measures, many of which will be discussed in the points that follow.\n\n2. Enabling Different Sudanese Groups to Express Their Interests and Cultural Distinctiveness\n\nPluralism cannot become a source of strength and enrichment unless different groups are enabled to participate in governance on an equal footing with others and are given the freedom to express their cultural identities and distinctive characteristics.\n\n3. Striving to Achieve Balanced Development Throughout the Country\n\nThis requires reconsidering the development plans and strategies implemented in Sudan from independence to the present, and making a serious and sustained effort to achieve comprehensive, sustainable, and balanced development.\n\nThe objective should be to improve the living conditions of all citizens, eliminate economic grievances, and address the discourse of \u201cmarginalization\u201d that has become increasingly prominent in recent years.\n\nThis requires the participation of Sudanese economic experts in developing the country\u2019s plans and development strategies, while giving special priority to less developed regions in order to reduce the gap between the center and the peripheries.\n\nIt also requires continuous review of development plans and strategies and directing national resources toward development and reconstruction.\n\n4. Expanding Public Freedoms\n\nThe expansion of public freedoms is the backbone of national unity. These freedoms should include freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom of religious belief.\n\nDiscussion of justice, equality, and the rule of law becomes meaningless unless all Sudanese citizens are able to express themselves freely, regardless of their ethnicity, language, or religion.\n\nWhen a Sudanese citizen feels able to express opinions freely and without fear, this strengthens loyalty to the state and reinforces the sense of being an integral part of the national community. By contrast, a political system based on suppressing freedoms unnecessarily alienates citizens from the state.\n\nExpanding freedoms also creates opportunities for objective dialogue on national issues, helps correct mistakes, closes institutional gaps, brings differing viewpoints closer together, and removes artificial barriers between rulers and the governed.\n\n5. Establishing New Foundations for the Distribution of Economic Resources and Political Opportunities, Away from Tribal and Regional Balancing\n\nMany groups in different parts of Sudan have resorted to what may be described as politicized ethnicity in pursuit of their interests. Some took up arms against the central government, mobilized local populations, attempted to turn them against the government, and revived sub-national loyalties, all under the banner of \u201cmarginalization.\u201d\n\nWhile the central government may previously have adopted tribal and regional formulas for distributing political opportunities and economic gains in agreements with armed movements, there is now a need\u2014particularly after the National Dialogue\u2014to move away from such an approach, as it represents one of the greatest threats to national unity.\n\nUnless new principles are established, guided by the outcomes of the National Dialogue, for distributing economic resources and political gains, national unity will remain at risk.\n\nThe most effective and direct way to address grievances and marginalization is to uphold justice and transparency. Establishing clear and transparent standards for power-sharing and wealth distribution would help achieve justice, reduce the likelihood of conflict, and strengthen the government\u2019s own position.\n\nClearly, it is not in the interest of any government to preside over severe developmental disparities or widespread grievances within the country it governs.\n\n6. Reaching Agreement on the Foundations of Sudan\u2019s Political System\n\nBuilding on the above, and in order to strengthen national unity and enable different Sudanese communities to live together in peace and dignity, the foundations of the political system must be clearly defined.\n\nWhen we speak of \u201cagreement on the foundations of the political system,\u201d we mean reaching consensus on a Sudanese constitution accepted by the country\u2019s various political forces without exclusion or restriction, because the constitution is a public matter concerning all Sudanese people, both rulers and citizens.\n\nIt should also be noted that Sudan has a rich history of drafting\u2014and abolishing\u2014constitutions. Numerous attempts have been made to establish a permanent constitution for the country, beginning with the Ziyada Arbab Committee around the time of independence, followed by attempts during the second democratic period in the 1960s, Jaafar Nimeiri\u2019s 1973 Constitution, efforts during the third democratic period, the 1998 Constitution, and finally the 2005 Constitution.\n\nThis is in addition to other attempts that did not produce tangible results. All of these experiences should be studied, built upon, and used as lessons for the future.\n\nFor example, we believe that some of the principles contained in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in Naivasha and later incorporated into the 2005 Interim Constitution provide a sound and fair foundation for governance in Sudan.\n\nThe secession of South Sudan does not necessarily mean that these principles should be abandoned, especially because Sudan continues to display many of the same characteristics that existed before secession, most notably ethnic, religious, and linguistic diversity, as well as developmental disparities.\n\nThe first section of the agreement, dealing with general principles, stated the following:\r\n<ul>\r\n \t<li>The unity of Sudan, founded on the free will of its people, democratic governance, equality, mutual respect, and justice for all Sudanese citizens, shall remain the highest priority.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Establishing a democratic system of governance that takes into account the ethnic, cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity of the Sudanese people, as well as gender equality.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Developing a comprehensive solution that addresses Sudan\u2019s economic and social decline and achieves social, political, and economic justice for all Sudanese citizens.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\nThe 2005 Interim Constitution reflected these principles in Chapter One (Article 4 \u2013 General Principles of the Constitution) as follows:\n\nThis Constitution shall be founded on and guided by the following principles:\n\n(a) The unity of Sudan shall be based on the free will of its people, the supremacy of the rule of law, decentralized democratic governance, accountability, equality, respect, and justice.\n\n(b) Religions, beliefs, traditions, and customs are sources of moral strength and inspiration for the Sudanese people.\n\n(c) The cultural and social diversity of the Sudanese people is the foundation of national cohesion and shall not be exploited to create division.\n\n(d) The authority and powers of government derive from the sovereignty and will of the people, exercised through referenda and free, direct, and periodic elections conducted by universal secret ballot for those who have reached the age prescribed by law.\n\nThe Constitution also emphasized the need to establish a model of good governance in Sudan based on equality, respect for human rights, transparency, accountability, and the rule of law. It went even further by stating that \u201call rights and freedoms enshrined in international human rights agreements, covenants, and conventions ratified by the Republic of Sudan shall form an integral part of this document.\u201d These are all positive provisions, although some may require review to ensure consistency with Islamic principles in these areas.\n\nThe Constitution also stressed the need for national standards that reflect the unity of the country and the diversity of the Sudanese people. It affirmed the importance of promoting the welfare of the population and protecting their human rights and fundamental freedoms.\n\nIt further detailed the rights and freedoms to be enjoyed under the Sudanese Constitution, including the right to life, personal liberty, protection from slavery and torture, the right to a fair trial, respect for privacy, freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and association, the right to establish a family and marry, the right to vote, equality before the law, protection from discrimination, freedom of movement, children\u2019s rights, and others.\n\nI believe that these principles enjoy broad consensus among the Sudanese people as a whole, since it is difficult to imagine anyone openly advocating the opposite. Where particular provisions require regulation or review, they can be discussed and reconsidered through dialogue.\n\n7. Excluding the Right to Self-Determination from Future Negotiations Between the Government and Armed Movements\n\nRecognizing what is termed the \u201cright to self-determination\u201d for any part of Sudan would, in practice, almost inevitably lead to the secession of that region. International and regional experiences have shown that once such a right is granted, the likely outcome is separation. This occurred in the former Yugoslavia, the former Soviet republics, and neighboring Eritrea, despite the differences in circumstances and contexts. After the secession of South Sudan, voices also emerged calling for the right to self-determination for other parts of Sudan.\n\nThe United Nations recognized the complexity of this issue at an early stage. In 1947, two years after the establishment of the United Nations, the General Assembly discussed the meaning, scope, and limits of the principle of self-determination contained in the UN Charter. Its position in this regard emphasized that the right to self-determination should not be confused with minority rights. Extending self-determination indiscriminately to minorities, it was argued, could generate instability in the international system, particularly because very few states are completely homogeneous in ethnic, cultural, or social terms.\n\nThe General Assembly also noted that broadening the principle to apply to minorities could place existing political affiliations and national borders under constant challenge.\n\nIt is true that approaching the Sudanese situation in terms of majority and minority categories is not entirely accurate, because Sudan contains numerous ethnic and cultural groups, and even a numerically large group may constitute a minority in relation to the combined presence of others. Nevertheless, the underlying concern remains valid: the indiscriminate application of self-determination could generate instability in the international system.\n\nGiven that one of the United Nations\u2019 principal objectives is the maintenance of international peace and security, it would be inconsistent for it to promote an approach that could contribute to widespread fragmentation and instability.\n\nAlthough self-determination has been granted to certain groups as part of political settlements in some countries, the international community has generally not sought to establish this as a universal entitlement applicable in all cases.\n\nRather, even when international actors have helped facilitate referenda in particular territories, the broader tendency has been to improve the conditions of minorities and marginalized groups within their existing states by pressing governments to expand their participation in political power and national wealth, rather than encouraging them to separate and establish independent political entities. Exceptions have, of course, occurred where major powers believed separation served their interests.\n\nAt the regional level, African leaders addressed the issue of arbitrary and artificial colonial borders at the 1963 Conference of Independent African Heads of State in Addis Ababa. They acknowledged that these borders often failed to reflect demographic realities, sometimes dividing the same ethnic community between several political entities and incorporating within one state hundreds of ethnic groups with few historical ties to one another.\n\nNevertheless, they affirmed the principle of the inviolability of inherited colonial borders in order to prevent conflicts among African states. These borders were therefore preserved despite their arbitrary origins.\n\nThis principle was subsequently reaffirmed within the framework of the African Union. As a result, changing existing borders to address ethnic, cultural, or developmental differences is no longer regarded as a generally acceptable approach.\n\nAccordingly, the broad application of self-determination in this manner conflicts with established regional and international principles and could have serious consequences for the future of many states.\n\nThe granting of self-determination to southern Sudan was based on a political agreement between the government and the Sudan People\u2019s Liberation Movement as part of a settlement to a conflict widely described as one of the longest-running wars in Africa.\n\nSudan therefore needs a clearly defined understanding of the meaning, scope, and limits of self-determination, given its direct connection to the future unity and cohesion of the country.\n\n8. Developing and Strengthening Sudan\u2019s Foreign Relations\n\nThe central role played by neighboring countries in Sudanese conflicts, both positively and negatively, has become increasingly clear.\n\nBecause of the extensive demographic and ethnic overlap between Sudan and its neighbors, it is difficult to speak realistically of completely neutralizing neighboring states in Sudanese conflicts.\n\nAt the same time, in the era of globalization, domestic affairs are no longer matters that concern the state alone. Other countries\u2014particularly Western European states and the United States\u2014have become deeply involved in such conflicts, whether in war or peace. Regional and international organizations have also become increasingly present.\n\nThis makes foreign policy an essential consideration when addressing what may initially appear to be \u201cinternal\u201d conflicts.\n\nThe Sudanese state must therefore strengthen its relations with neighboring countries and seek to channel their influence in ways that serve Sudan\u2019s national interests. At the same time, it should work energetically to rebuild and strengthen its relations with major powers and with international and regional organizations.\n\nIn the era of globalization, internal affairs can no longer be treated as exclusively domestic matters. Foreign states, especially in Western Europe and North America, frequently engage with such conflicts, whether through mediation, political pressure, humanitarian involvement, or other forms of intervention. Regional and international organizations also play increasingly prominent roles.\n\nIt is therefore essential to incorporate the external dimension into any serious analysis of Sudan\u2019s internal conflicts.\n\nIn conclusion, we believe that the following measures could contribute to strengthening and consolidating national unity in Sudan:\n\nFull and explicit recognition of Sudan\u2019s ethnic and cultural diversity.\nEnabling different Sudanese groups to participate equally in power and wealth and to express their cultural identities on an equal footing with other citizens.\nPursuing balanced development throughout the country and placing this objective at the heart of national development plans.\nExpanding public freedoms and establishing democratic governance based on transparency, accountability, and the rule of law.\nEstablishing new principles for the distribution of economic resources and political opportunities, free from tribal and regional considerations.\nReaching consensus on the foundations of Sudan\u2019s political system and adopting a Sudanese constitution that reflects the realities of the country while taking into account national, regional, and international political developments.\nExcluding the so-called right to self-determination from future negotiations between the Sudanese government and any armed movement or political group in order to preserve the territorial unity of Sudan.\nGiving greater attention to Sudan\u2019s foreign relations, with particular priority to neighboring African states, while also strengthening relations with the Arab world, Western European countries, the United States, and international and regional organizations.","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u0623\u0634\u0631\u0646\u0627 \u0641\u064a \u0645\u0642\u0627\u0644\u0646\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0627\u0628\u0642 \u0627\u0644\u0649 \u0623\u0646 \u062a\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642 \u0627\u0644\u0648\u062d\u062f\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0648\u0637\u0646\u064a\u0629 \u0647\u0648 \u0623\u0643\u0628\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u062d\u062f\u064a\u0627\u062a \u0627\u0644\u062a\u0649 \u062a\u0648\u0627\u062c\u0647 \u0627\u0644\u062f\u0648\u0644 \u0639\u0627\u0645\u0629\u060c \u0644\u0623\u0646\u0647 \u0645\u0627 \u0644\u0645 \u064a\u062a\u062d\u0642\u0642 \u0644\u0644\u062c\u0633\u062f \u0627\u0644\u0633\u064a\u0627\u0633\u0649 (\u0625\u0630\u0627 \u062c\u0627\u0632 \u0627\u0644\u0642\u0648\u0644) \u0642\u062f\u0631 \u0645\u0646\u0627\u0633\u0628 \u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u0648\u062d\u062f \u062d\u0648\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0631\u0624\u0649 \u0648\u0627\u0644\u0623\u0647\u062f\u0627\u0641 \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0627\u0645\u0629 \u0644\u0644\u062f\u0648\u0644\u0629\u060c \u0641\u0625\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u062f\u0648\u0644\u0629 \u0633\u062a\u0642\u0641 \u0639\u0627\u062c\u0632\u0629 \u0639\u0646 \u062a\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642 \u0623\u0647\u062f\u0627\u0641\u0647\u0627 \u0648\u0648\u0638\u0627\u0626\u0641\u0647\u0627\u060c \u0648\u062a\u0638\u0644 \u0641\u064a \u062d\u0627\u0644\u0629 \u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u0623\u0631\u062c\u062d \u0648\u0639\u062f\u0645 \u0627\u0644\u0627\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0631\u0627\u0631. \u0643\u0645\u0627 \u062a\u0648\u0635\u0644\u0646\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0649 \u0623\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u0648\u062d\u062f\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0648\u0637\u0646\u064a\u0629 [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1804,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[20],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1383","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-political-analysis"],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t<!-- All in One SEO 5.0.1.1 - aioseo.com -->\n\t<meta name=\"description\" content=\"\u0623\u0634\u0631\u0646\u0627 \u0641\u064a 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