{"id":1375,"date":"2026-08-11T15:00:55","date_gmt":"2026-08-11T15:00:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/bahamakkawi.com\/?p=1375"},"modified":"2026-08-14T12:12:17","modified_gmt":"2026-08-14T12:12:17","slug":"the-effectiveness-of-sudanese-political-parties-between-reality-and-claims-toward-a-national-framework-for-the-self-assessment-of-political-parties-in-sudan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bahamakkawi.com\/en\/the-effectiveness-of-sudanese-political-parties-between-reality-and-claims-toward-a-national-framework-for-the-self-assessment-of-political-parties-in-sudan\/","title":{"rendered":"The Effectiveness of Sudanese Political Parties Between Reality and Claims: Toward a National Framework for the Self-Assessment of Political Parties in Sudan"},"content":{"rendered":"Political parties have become an indispensable feature of all societies, whether developed or developing. The view that political parties are inherently a source of fragmentation, division, conflict, and disorder has largely receded, giving way to a more realistic perspective that sees political parties as a necessity in today\u2019s complex and rapidly changing world. The growing complexity of political life has made it difficult\u2014if not impossible\u2014to imagine a political society without parties.\n\nIn Sudan, political parties began to emerge in the 1940s. The Ashigga Party appeared in 1944, followed by the Umma Party in 1946, after which other political parties emerged, including the Communist Party, the Islamic movement, and others.\n\nAs in many other countries, however, every Sudanese political party claims to be the strongest, the closest to the people, and the most qualified to lead the country. Each party develops its own criteria for measuring effectiveness, emphasizing the areas in which it believes it outperforms its political competitors.\n\nSome focus on the results of the most recent democratic elections. Others emphasize their influence among the \u201cmodern forces,\u201d their historical role, the capabilities of their leadership, their ability to develop solutions, the strength and sophistication of their political programs, or the regularity of their internal conferences and leadership elections.\n\nAmid these claims, disputes, and the absence of agreed and objective standards, facts can become obscured and political realities may sometimes be turned upside down. Parties then rely on their assumed effectiveness rather than objectively evaluating their performance, developing their programs, and reforming their structures. As a result, stagnation and institutional weakness may set in, leaving them incapable of addressing contemporary realities.\n\nThe different standards and indicators emphasized by political parties are not necessarily contradictory. In fact, they complement one another, and ideally all of them should be present within each political party, thereby increasing its strength and capacity for positive political action in the national interest.\n\nThe author therefore argues that objective quantitative and qualitative criteria should be developed to measure the effectiveness of political parties. Such criteria would help move beyond empty partisan claims and could serve as objective indicators for use by political parties themselves within a framework of self-assessment.\n\nAlthough developing a national framework for evaluating the effectiveness of political parties cannot realistically be undertaken by a single individual and would require a team of researchers supported by a Sudanese research center, the purpose here is to raise awareness of the issue, emphasize its importance, and propose a flexible roadmap for developing such a framework.\n\nThe framework could then be adopted by political parties themselves as a tool for self-assessment, enabling them to identify their strengths and weaknesses, reinforce positive aspects of their performance, and address their shortcomings.\n\nIn this regard, the author believes that the most important indicators for measuring the effectiveness of political parties include popular support, organizational structure, political program, leadership and mechanisms of political succession, and sources of funding. These indicators are, of course, only examples, and others may propose additional criteria so that a more comprehensive set of national indicators can eventually be developed.\n\nThe selection of indicators should not be arbitrary. Rather, indicators should be chosen objectively on the basis of their importance, their centrality to party performance, and their impact on the effectiveness of political organizations. The following discussion explains the importance of the proposed indicators before addressing how they might be incorporated into a national assessment framework.\n\n1. Popular Support Base\n\nThe public constitutes the most important element of any political party because voters ultimately determine whether a party reaches power. They provide the party with moral support, financial assistance, and political backing.\n\nThe greater the number of party members and supporters, the stronger and more effective the party is likely to be, and the greater its chances of reaching and remaining in power. A political party is, in essence, a group seeking political authority, and it cannot achieve that objective without a broad public base that supports it and votes for its candidates.\n\nBecause political parties attach great importance to formal membership, most establish a dedicated membership secretariat or department. Such units seek to recruit new members, register their personal information, coordinate with financial departments in collecting membership fees and donations, maintain comprehensive membership records, and develop recruitment and mobilization strategies.\n\nIn reality, a party\u2019s popular base includes both formally committed members and broader supporters or sympathizers. Although sympathizers play an important role, especially during elections, a higher proportion of formally committed members generally indicates a stronger party.\n\nThe role of sympathizers may end with voting, while formally organized members continue to support the party financially, politically, and through media and organizational activity throughout the year.\n\nWhen measuring a party\u2019s popular base, attention should therefore be given to the proportion of formally registered party members relative to the total population, particularly if the party defines itself as a national party seeking to address the entire population.\n\nIt is also useful to distinguish between committed members and broader supporters. This can be measured more easily after elections by subtracting the number of formally registered party members from the total number of votes received by the party, thereby providing an estimate of the number of electoral sympathizers.\n\nAlthough votes are counted rather than weighed, and therefore educational level or political awareness does not directly affect the value of a vote during elections, the political awareness and general educational level of members and supporters remain important indicators of the strength of a party\u2019s popular base.\n\nOther important factors include willingness to make sacrifices for the party\u2019s objectives, planning capacity, awareness of the party\u2019s aims and programs, and belief in those objectives. All of these factors can significantly influence the party\u2019s ability to achieve its goals.\n\nFemale membership and the number of women supporting the party also provide an indication of the party\u2019s concern for women, who constitute half of society, as well as its awareness of gender issues.\n\nLikewise, diversity within the party\u2019s membership\u2014such as the inclusion of workers, farmers, traders, intellectuals, and other groups\u2014indicates the breadth of the party\u2019s appeal and its capacity to attract different social sectors.\n\nIt is not sufficient merely to register members, collect subscriptions, and mobilize them during election seasons. Party leadership must maintain continuous communication with grassroots members, raise their awareness of national and local issues, explain the party\u2019s positions on different matters, and demonstrate sensitivity toward public concerns.\n\nThis requires continuous communication between party leaders and their grassroots membership, as well as open channels through which party leaders can understand citizens\u2019 problems, views, and demands.\n\nThe proposed national framework should therefore include indicators such as: the proportion of formally registered party members relative to the total population; the degree of members\u2019 compliance with annual subscription payments; the diversity of party membership across social groups; the percentage of women among the total membership; the level of continuous communication among members through meetings, telephone communication, or social media; whether the party has a membership secretariat; whether that secretariat actively recruits and registers members; and the percentage of party members holding university or postgraduate qualifications.\n\nAnswers to such questions would provide a comprehensive picture of the strength and quality of a party\u2019s popular base.\n\n2. Organizational Structure\n\nOrganization is one of the fundamental pillars upon which the survival and existence of a political party depend. It is impossible to speak meaningfully of a political party without an organizational structure that defines vertical and horizontal relationships and clarifies responsibilities and powers within the party.\n\nOrganizational structures vary from one party to another depending on their size and circumstances. In general, larger and more active parties tend to have more complex organizational structures, while smaller and less active parties tend to have simpler ones.\n\nAlthough all political parties formally possess some kind of organizational structure, the quality of that structure reflects the degree of institutionalization within the party.\n\nAn organizational structure indicates how decisions are made and how authority is distributed. This contrasts with highly personalized or authoritarian parties in which a single individual or a small group dominates decision-making and issues orders to the rest of the organization.\n\nAn effective organizational structure should be based on a clearly defined hierarchy, known to members and explicitly stated in the party\u2019s constitution, regulations, and internal rules. It should also be binding on all organizational levels.\n\nIn non-democratic parties, however, such clearly understood hierarchies may not genuinely exist. Even where they exist in theory, leaderships may bypass them through weak justifications and convenient interpretations designed to preserve control.\n\nLeadership may also be able to bypass party institutions and structures because lower organizational levels are unaware of their own powers and rights. In such cases, senior leaders exploit the lack of awareness among grassroots and intermediate leadership levels to circumvent institutional procedures.\n\nOrganizational structures may also include mechanisms for promoting political leaders upward through the party hierarchy. They may also provide mechanisms for oversight, accountability, monitoring, and evaluation based on the party\u2019s chain of command.\n\nOrganizational structure and horizontal and vertical relationships are therefore among the most important criteria for measuring the effectiveness of political parties.\n\nThe stronger and more coherent the organization, and the clearer its internal relationships, the more effective the party is likely to be. Conversely, weak organizational structures and unclear lines of authority are indicators of limited effectiveness.\n\nThe proposed national framework should therefore include questions such as: Does the party have a clear organizational structure? Is this structure formally stated in the party\u2019s basic regulations? Is it fully understood by party leaders? Is it actually used to define duties and powers? Such questions can help measure the effectiveness of party organization.\n\n3. The Political Program\n\nA party program is the political commitment between the party and the public, which the party seeks to translate into reality.\n\nThe program should normally be derived from the actual conditions, needs, concerns, and aspirations of citizens. When developing its program, a party should carefully study public needs and demands and formulate them into a coherent policy agenda.\n\nParty programs should be reviewed periodically so that they remain responsive to changes within society. Changes in social and political realities should be reflected in changes to the party\u2019s program.\n\nA party should also avoid making excessive promises to voters so that it is not later accused of failure when it is unable to fulfill unrealistic commitments. Its program should therefore be realistic and balanced.\n\nPolitical parties generally seek to develop comprehensive programs addressing economic, social, political, and cultural aspects of life, while taking into account the interests of different social groups so that each segment of society can identify issues relevant to its own concerns.\n\nA party\u2019s program should respond to the main problems facing society and propose effective solutions. It should also be presented in an attractive and persuasive manner, without misleading or deceiving the public.\n\nThe language of the program should be clear, direct, and understandable.\n\nThe national framework should therefore include indicators such as: Does the party have a written program? Who prepares it? Does it reach the general public? Does the party remain committed to implementing its program after reaching power? Is the program periodically reviewed?\n\nAnswers to such questions would help assess the party\u2019s seriousness in developing, communicating, and implementing its political program.\n\n4. Leadership and Mechanisms of Political Succession\n\nPolitical succession refers to the mechanisms through which authority and leadership are transferred smoothly, legally, and legitimately from one person to another.\n\nLeadership positions should be open to change, and mechanisms for promotion and replacement should be clearly established according to agreed criteria specified in the party\u2019s constitution and internal regulations.\n\nPolitical succession is one of the most important indicators for measuring democracy and effectiveness within political parties because it reflects the degree of institutionalization inside the organization.\n\nIt also provides equal opportunities for party members to advance on objective grounds according to their achievements, sacrifices, capabilities, and contributions. This encourages healthy competition among members for leadership positions.\n\nPolitical succession remains one of the major problems facing political parties. In many cases, party leaders remain in senior positions for decades without creating space for younger generations.\n\nThis contributes to organizational stagnation, frustration, and a general decline in performance.\n\nIt may also weaken initiative, encourage indifference, undermine healthy competition, and produce serious internal splits led by individuals who feel that leadership opportunities have been permanently blocked by long-standing \u201chistoric leaders.\u201d\n\nOlder leaders have sometimes reinforced their position by promoting the idea that younger leaders are incapable of managing political affairs or by arguing that replacing experienced leaders would amount to wasting valuable accumulated experience.\n\nSuch arguments may also be used to mobilize party supporters against younger figures seeking advancement within the organization.\n\nThe relationship between leadership succession and party effectiveness is clear. Leaders who remain at the top of political parties for long periods may gradually become less productive, less responsive, or less able to take appropriate positions at the right time.\n\nThis can damage party interests. At the same time, frustration among younger generations who see no opportunities for advancement can produce apathy and reduce overall organizational performance.\n\nThe proposed national framework should therefore include questions such as: Does the party have a defined mechanism for political succession and leadership change? Is that mechanism informal or formally included in internal regulations or the party constitution? Are the relevant provisions known to party leaders and members? Are they actually implemented? Are there fixed term limits that cannot be exceeded? Are party conferences with the authority to elect or replace leaders held regularly?\n\n5. Funding\n\nFinancial resources are essential for successful political activity. No political organization can operate effectively without adequate funding, regardless of the quality of its ideas or the energy of its members.\n\nPolitical parties need money to finance their regular activities, communication and mobilization campaigns, election campaigns, and public outreach programs. Financial resources may also support services that help parties build connections with voters.\n\nFunding, however, is one of the greatest challenges facing political parties, particularly in developing countries.\n\nSome parties may fail to reach power despite having clear objectives and strong programs because they lack financial resources, while other parties with weaker ideas or limited strategic vision may succeed because they possess significant funding.\n\nPolitical parties therefore seek various ways of securing the resources necessary for their activities. Yet funding can also create serious risks.\n\nForeign actors may offer financial support to political parties in exchange for future political favors, creating the danger that a party entering government may become dependent on external interests that conflict with the national interest.\n\nPolitical parties must therefore seek funding sources that do not compromise national sovereignty or restrict the freedom of an elected government.\n\nDomestic sources of funding are often limited and may cover only a small proportion of party expenses. Effective political parties are therefore those capable of developing legitimate and sustainable sources of funding without entering into suspicious relationships with foreign actors.\n\nNational political parties generally rely on internal sources such as membership subscriptions, donations from members, and party-owned investments. This allows them to finance their activities while maintaining independence.\n\nThe proposed national framework should therefore include indicators such as: Does the party have clearly identified sources of funding? What are its main funding sources? Are they membership subscriptions, donations, or party investments? Are these resources sufficient to finance party programs and activities? If not, how is the financial deficit covered? Does the party receive external funding? Is that funding provided by foreign governments or foreign political parties? What motivates such support? Is it ideological affinity? Are there conditions attached? If so, are those conditions political, economic, or cultural? Do they conflict with the national interest or distort the domestic political environment?\n\nThe proposed national framework would include major indicators and subsidiary indicators. Each subsidiary indicator would be assigned a score, allowing the political party concerned to conduct an objective self-assessment of its effectiveness.\n\nThese indicators should be presented in a detailed but simple and user-friendly model. The party would assign itself scores based on objective criteria, after which the results could be aggregated and analyzed.\n\nThis would allow the party to identify areas of weakness that require improvement and areas of strength that should be preserved and reinforced.\n\nThe five principal indicators discussed above, together with their subsidiary indicators, are merely examples of what a national framework for evaluating political party effectiveness could contain.\n\nThe author has already completed an academic study on this subject. Nevertheless, as noted earlier, developing such a framework requires broader cooperation and would ideally be adopted by a Sudanese research center.\n\nA national framework of this kind could make an important contribution to improving Sudanese political life by helping political forces assess, reform, and regularize their internal conditions in ways that benefit the country as a whole.\n\nIt could also help discipline political practice and place it within clearer boundaries based on scientific and objective standards.","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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